Volume 2, No. 5, October 2002

New Economy Information Service E-Bulletin

In this issue:


Critical Skills Give Workers Power

Employees who possess “the skills their organizations need most to stay competitive” are most likely to keep their jobs during the present downturn, and demand for skilled workers remains surprisingly strong. In fact, some 45% of the 431 companies in the U.S. and Canada surveyed for an extensive report by the consulting firm Watson Wyatt are still facing at least “moderate difficulties” in attracting skilled workers.

(A summary of the report can be found at:http://www.watsonwyatt.com/research/resrender.asp?id=W-572&page=1 The full report can be purchased at: http://www.watsonwyatt.com/store/cart.asp?IDNum=W-572.)

On the Waterfront . . .
Training Matters

Accounts of the current conflict on the West Coast docks often ascribe the influence of dock workers over the pace of work in the ports to just two factors: their hard-core union solidarity, and their extraordinary good fortune in finding themselves astride the "choke points" of fast-paced global commerce. Other factors that present these workers in a more positive light are often brushed aside.

One of these arises from the fact that the work is risky. Peter Olney, a former longshore union official now in labor studies, explained to the Associated Press that "Lashing containers on a rainy, wind-swept night on the deck of a cargo ship is an extremely dangerous job that takes a high degree of skill. I always challenge my colleagues at the University of California to spend a night lashing containers. They wouldn't last ten minutes." http://story.news.yahoo.com/news
?/tmpl=story2&cid=509&ncid=509
&e=10&u=/ap/20021006/ap_on
_bi_ge/port_labor_union_1

According to the AP report, five union workers died already this year working on the West Coast docks. Dangerous work builds a powerful sense of community among those who do it--miners, firemen or high-rise construction workers.

Longshoreman union solidarity is not simply, as the anti-union right sometimes imagines, the product of mafia-like conspiracy, or, as some on the left would have it, a legacy of the dubious ideology of the union's early communist-leaning leadership.

Second, the people who do this work are highly skilled, and undergo thorough training. They didn't just walk into these jobs by answering want-ads.

A look at the web site of the employers' group, the Pacific Maritime Association, gives the idea: a long list of video courses includes titles such as "Hidden Voids in Paper Wrapped Lumber" or "The Fine Art of Marine Forklift Handling." http://www.pmanet.org/html/display
Object.cfm/id_subcat/81/id_content
/2023238631

Because of the complex skills these workers have acquired, says New York Times writer Steven Greenhouse, "Management is hard put to use strikebreakers to replace them, not wanting to risk using inexperienced people to operate cranes that move containers half the size of railroad cars." (The full article, "The Nation: The $100,000 Longshoreman: A Union Wins the Global Game," October 6, 2002, can be purchased at: http://query.nytimes.com/search/advanced

 

AFL-CIO Promotes
Public Sector Partnerships

Three exemplary labor/management partnerships that saved jobs and taxpayer dollars in the public sector were described at an October 16 briefing on Capitol Hill. Both the union leaders and government officials involved in the programs conceded that the partnership path is often rocky, but claimed that in the end both the partners and the public have benefited significantly. Training for both workers and managers was one of the keys to partnership success.

The Water Services Department in Phoenix, Arizona, and members of its Local 2384, American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) reported savings to the city of some $77 million over five years through an employee-driven re-engineering of their water and waste treatment systems.  

The Toledo Public Schools and the Toledo Federation of Teachers (AFT) claimed improvements in student test scores and teacher retention rates in an urban school system that was once one of Ohio's worst. For some twenty years now the Toledo partnership has managed programs that evaluate and improve new teachers' effectiveness, and peer reviews that gauge veteran teachers' performance. Those who do not meet agreed standards are provided intense coaching to bring them to acceptable levels--or they are let go.  

Ohio's Cuyahoga County Department of Human Services and AFSCME Local 1746 described the way partnership reduced workloads for social workers, generated community efforts to avoid sending children out of state for foster care, and helped bring about a 25 percent reduction in the mortality rate for children involved with social services. A labor-management steering committee identified and tackled issues of common concern, such as worker safety, morale, caseload/workload and salary levels. A more structured career ladder was created to provide incentives for promotions and better pay.

Representatives from all three of these partnerships recounted how their efforts were undertaken only after difficulties in their agencies had become severe. They found that employees have keen insights into ways of fixing problems, but tapping employee resources requires incentives. All participants must be educated not only about new technologies and methodologies of work, but about the broader situation in which they work and the requirements of teamwork and professionalization. Partners must be prepared for stress. The union president in Phoenix who instituted partnership was defeated in his re-election bid, and Toledo went through several school superintendents in the course of its efforts.

The AFL-CIO's Working for America Institute was joined by the Subcommittee on Employment, Safety and Training of the Senate Committee on Health Education, Labor and Pensions and the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University in sponsoring the briefing. (For additional information, contact Pat Reilly at 202/974-8144, or "preilly@workingforamerica.org.")



GLOBALIZATION:

Conflict Surfaces Over
China's "Unions"

For many years the AFL-CIO urged its affiliates to boycott contacts with the official labor organizations of communist countries on the grounds that these do not in any way represent workers, but are actually instruments of dictatorial control. This principle was tenaciously held to during the climactic years of the Cold War, when some unions here and abroad sought contacts with labor fronts in the Soviet Bloc. The AFL-CIO maintained a lonely insistence on relations only with independent and democratic workers' organizations such as Poland's Solidarnosc. That stand was stunningly vindicated.

Now the debate has reappeared, this time because of meetings held by some American union leaders and union staff with representatives of The All China Federation of Trade Unions, the labor auxiliary of the Chinese Communist Party. The issue comes as a surprise because some of the very manufacturing unions here that questioned the hard-line anti-communist stance during the Cold War have been very tough toward China, whose regimented workers flood world markets with cheap goods.

According to a September 27 report in the South China Morning Post (Hong Kong), Andrew Stern, President of the Service Employees International Union, California Labor Federation President Tom Rankin, Paul Booth, Assistant to the President of AFSCME (and former National Secretary of Students for A Democratic Society) and others met for three days last month with Wei Jianxing, chair of the Chinese labor group and member of the Politburo Standing Committee, and other communist labor functionaries. Kent Wong, Director of the Center for Labor Research and Education at the University of California at Berkeley, acted as a spokesman for the group.

The Morning Post reports that Wong described the discussions "as being particularly polite," and that "the delegation avoided finger-pointing or offering suggestions about how China could better handle labor problems." The paper quoted the following statement by Wong: "For many years, the AFL-CIO has had the view that the All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) was not a free trade union, that it was not independent and was led by the Communist Party. But in light of China's growing international trade, its expanding market economy and entrance into the World Trade Organization, both sides now see the importance of having dialogue and getting a better understanding of how each country's unions function." (The text of The China Morning Post article can be found at: http://www.newecon.org/
SouthChinaMorningPost.html

This article brought a terse response from Barbara Shailor, Director of the AFL-CIO's International Affairs Department. Her letter to the Post's editor stated that "This delegation was not an AFL-CIO delegation as implied in your article. The visit, therefore, did not in any way represent the views or a change in AFL-CIO policy…. [T]he ACFTU is not an independent trade union but rather part of Chinese government and party structure…. The AFL-CIO will continue to stand in solidarity with China's worker's until their rights to organize into independent unions of their own choosing and to bargain collectively are achieved…." (The full text of the letter letter can be found at: http://www.newecon.org/
ShailorLetter.html

The Washington Post recently published a revealing full page article on the role of the ACFTU in stifling free expression by Chinese workers that Bulletin readers may find useful. ("When Workers Organize, China's Party-Run Unions Resist," by Philip P. Pan, October 15, 2002. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/
articles/A25878-2002Oct14.html
)

 

Brazil:
A Fork in the River

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva' s likely win in Brazil's presidential election is seen by some as proof of a reaction against globalization in Latin America, the end of the generally pro-U.S. temper that emerged in the region at the end of the Cold War, and a likely distraction from the Bush Administration's challenges in South Asia and the Middle East.

In the lead up to the election “Lula” stirred concern with admiring gestures toward Latino strongmen Hugo Chavez and Fidel Castro, reckless promises to increase social spending, and intimations that Brazil might not feel obliged to repay its foreign lenders. Many among the world's marooned radicals grew hopeful that his resurgent Latin populism might provide them with a new lifeline.

But as his campaign unfolded Lula turned up in a well-tailored business suit, took a pro-business figure as his running mate, and included foreign debt service in his lengthy list of campaign promises. Even some skeptics are now asking, "Is there a new Lula?"

The problem Lula and some of his friends are beginning to recognize is this: if they indulge the hankering to thumb their noses at the global financial establishment, then what? There still will be bills to pay. In Venezuela, Hugo Chavez has already run into a lot of trouble. And Brazilian democracy may prove even more resistant to the kinds of machinations that have enabled Chavez to cling to power.

As a useful essay in The Economist documents, while vast poverty and inequality remain, Brazil did not do so badly under the moderate social-democratic leadership of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso. As Lula contemplates the revival of Latin populism that lovers of political theatre are hoping for, he may want to bear in mind an adage once popular among Marxists: “History repeats itself, first as tragedy, then as farce.”

One difficulty with populism is its one-dimensional concern about the distribution of wealth – and indifference to the problems of producing it. Those who try justifiably to remedy the inequities of wealth distribution in Latin America often simply scare the rich into pulling out their money. (The value of the Brazilian real has fallen by more than 40 percent since Lula emerged as a major contender earlier this year.) Investment and GDP then plummet.

A possible alternative to this vicious cycle might be adapted from the recent experience of British unions -- a subject reviewed in previous editions of this Bulletin. Sensible leaders of the British labor movement recognized some years back that their country's often ineffectual managers were not productive and competitive enough to generate the resources necessary for social reform.

So labor unions themselves took up the causes of economic modernization and productivity. Rather than demonstrating against globalization, they fostered skills and a workplace culture that could attract investors. They trained union staff to assist small or laggard firms to master new technologies and productive processes. They persuaded front-line workers to assist in the implementation of environmental and safety rules. And at the same time they worked to expand union membership and to bargain for a better share of what could be produced.

Debate over this strategic direction still rages within the British labor movement, but with support from the Blair government, the Trades Union Congress's John Monks and his allies are staying the course. Lula and his Workers' Party have the credibility with Brazil's struggling workers to lead along this path. More subsidies, padded public payrolls and overly protected domestic industries are a good bet to make their situation even worse.


About NEIS

This E-Bulletin is published by the New Economy Information Service (NEIS), a project of the Foundation for Democratic Education. NEIS provides information and reviews debate on the impact globalization and technological change has on democracy at home and abroad. Current interest focuses on how American workers can be equipped with the skills they need for decent employment and economic security, and on how the globalization of the economy and the expansion of democracy can strengthen one another.

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